40 Years of Australian Foreign Policy - Democracy, Liberalism and Australia's National Interests

Introduction

Thank you Professor Edwards (Vice Chancellor). Congratulations on the 40 year anniversary of this outstanding university. From a campus with an initial 400 students 40 years ago, the Flinders community has built a world class institution of which South Australia can be justifiably proud.

40 Years of Australian Foreign Policy

Major anniversaries are a time to reflect on change. And I guess change is always a theme when considering Australian foreign policy over any period - including the past forty years. You only need to look at the foreign policy context of 1966 to see the extent of change that's occurred since that time in the world, in Australia's outlook on the world, and in the action of Australian foreign policy.

In 1966, superpower competition was the dominant theme of global affairs, and it seemed at the time would remain so for many generations. The Berlin Wall was only a few years old. China was thrown into the pain and chaos of the Cultural Revolution. And Australia was involved directly in the struggle against communist expansion in South East Asia.

The same year, the Holt Government took major and irrevocable steps towards the complete dismantling of the White Australia policy - an action which was vital for our growth as a nation and for our image in the world.

Two preoccupations for Australian foreign policy in the late 1960s and early 1970s were Britain's withdrawal from its military network east of Suez and its entry into the European Union. And after a generation of building an independent foreign policy, Australia faced - and was ready to face - the challenges posed by Britain's shift of economic and strategic focus away from the Asia-Pacific.

During the past forty years, we have witnessed some remarkable shifts in global relations and in the dynamics of our region. But there has also been continuity. And this evening, I'd like to share some thoughts on the contemporary relevance of what I consider to be a continuing theme in Australian foreign policy over the past forty years - and that is, our support for freedom and liberal democracy in the world.

Australian values and freedom

Now, I know that Australians don't tend to talk much about the value of freedom. Some think that freedom's a very American thing to talk about these days. But freedom in its many forms - political, economic, social, intellectual - is essential to Australia's experience.

Australia is a stable, independent and welcoming nation, with an open and prosperous economy, and a pluralistic and democratic society - in fact one of the world's oldest continuous democracies. It was one of the first countries to grant women the right to vote - in 1894 in South Australia. And Australia has long been a haven for people escaping from violence and oppression in their own lands. So it's rightly recognised throughout the world as a country of freedom.

Of course, Australia has not evolved and matured as a strong liberal democracy in isolation. The freedoms we enjoy are the legacy of diverse influences - some ancient and some modern. But just as Australia has opened itself to the influences of the world, we have not held ourselves back from seeking to influence the world either.

Forty years ago, the then Minister for External Affairs Paul Hasluck observed that Australia and I quote: "had never been neutralist or isolationist." He said that Australia had emerged as a nation "in a tradition of loyalty to certain causes and certain principles that involved us in world events including war." Hasluck also said that Australia's foreign policy had been strongly influenced by the idea that "we cannot live for ourselves alone but have to contribute to the peace of the world".

Hasluck was referring to the willing contribution of Australia and Australians to the great 20th century struggles - against German militarism, European fascism, Japanese imperialism, and communist aggression and expansion in Asia. He was talking about our contribution to the development of sustainable free societies in our region, including through the Colombo Plan.

Australia met these struggles and challenges - as a nation but also at a personal level - because we saw clearly that even events on the other side of the world would affect the way we lived our lives. And because we believed in the importance and the enduring value of liberal democracy - not just for Australians, but for other peoples as well.

Hasluck's words forty years ago could just as easily be said today. Australia remains neither neutralist nor isolationist. And over the past forty years, we haven't lived for ourselves alone, but have made our contributions to the world. We fought communism, we opposed apartheid, we supported self-determination for East Timor, and we continue our contest with economic protectionism throughout the world.

Australia's tradition of loyalty to the principles of freedom in the world - be they political, economic, social or intellectual - has remained one of the strongest influences on our active foreign policy over the past forty years.

This is not because Australia has been unable to conceive of alternatives beyond our own traditions and experience. University libraries contain no end of failed ideas from which we could choose. It's because we believe that the liberal democratic model provides the best mechanism for addressing political, economic and social problems - globally, as well as locally.
We believe that governments and societies which tend towards liberal democracy are better at creating wealth, alleviating poverty, respecting human rights, fostering creativity and bringing stability to the world.

Liberal democracy is the soundest basis for peace and prosperity. It's the basis for dynamism and innovation. It's in Australia's national interest for democracy to spread. And so it's a core value of our foreign policy.

These are powerful and enduring principles on which to base the pursuit of Australia's national interests. The Australian people would not support any government that conducted foreign policy divorced from the values which underpin our own society.
These principles put us on the right side of history. Sixty-seven dictatorships have fallen since 1972. A billion individuals - in eastern Europe, Africa, Asia and Latin America - have been emancipated from tyranny in one generation.
They are principles which seem to me are difficult to contest, yet contested they are by critics who charge the Government is naïve in its desire to see democracy spread.

This Government believes democracy is good, but we have never said it was easy. We know that democracy can't be imposed. Every country is different and in every country internal demand for change is vital for success.

Economic Development

We also know that economic development helps encourage political development. And we know that strong institutions are integral to both processes.

Economic development itself, as Indian Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen has pointed out, can be seen as a process of expanding the real freedoms people enjoy. We know from a century of experience that poverty is not reduced without economic growth. And central to economic growth is a reliable system of property rights. To encourage investment you simply must have enforceable contracts and a reliable court system for resolving disputes. Arbitrary behavior by Governments or their cronies is a sure way to scare off investment - both foreign and local.

There are those in the anti-globalisation movement who question the value of the economic freedom. But they are fighting ideological wars which really have been resolved in intellectual terms for some time now. The historical record of free markets and globalisation is clear and strong.

In 1820, about 85% of the world's population was living in absolute poverty - usually defined as living on less than one dollar a day in today's terms. By 1950, that figure had fallen to 50%. Today, it is about 20%.

This is not to argue that the benefits of globalisation are spread equally or immediately passed on to all countries. But the answer is not to retreat - flat earth style - to protectionism and mercantilism. The answer lies in helping to spread access to the global market place.

Good governance

Of course, creating and sustaining free societies requires more than just a tradition of regular elections and economic liberalisation. Good governance and effective institutions are essential building-blocks of free societies.
That's one of the reasons why Australian foreign policy and our $3 billion international development aid program place such great importance on improving governance - particularly in the Pacific and Indonesia.

Through the aid program we're doing a lot in this area. In Indonesia, for example, we've run workshops for 700 Indonesian judges to improve judicial conduct.

Developing institutions is no easy task, and it takes time. And despite appearances, I think we've made some remarkable progress over the years.

If we take a look at our immediate neighborhood for a minute. Sure, we have seen a degree of political instability and even violence in the cases of East Timor and Solomon Islands. But we can also see the glass as half full. In both East Timor and Solomon Islands the political crises are being resolved through constitutional means.

The violence there is certainly to be condemned; but it has been contained and has not been allowed to drive political outcomes.
In Papua New Guinea we expect to see a Government serve a full five year term for the first time since independence. The political system there seems to be maturing.

And in Indonesia we have seen the emergence of a vibrant democracy and institutions are increasingly accountable.
No doubt, we have a long way to go. But compared to other parts of the world - Africa for example - we have been successful in our efforts to support democratic outcomes.

Security

Security is another essential element for free societies.That's one of the reasons why Australia is committed to supporting better security in our region and beyond. We're helping Solomon Islands and East Timor strengthen their ability to enforce law and order. We're working with partners in South East Asia to help reduce the risk of terrorism. And we're committed to helping Iraq and Afghanistan.

The courage shown in recent years by ordinary Iraqis and Afghans - braving terrorist violence to exercise the freedom to vote - is testimony to the power of the appeal of freedom and democracy. The bravery of those Afghan women who risk their lives for the cause of democracy in a country where zealots burn schools and kill girls' teachers should inspire us all.

The example of these Afghan and Iraqi people validates Australia's on-going contribution to security in those two countries.
Freedom in their interests and ours

It is natural to want these countries to succeed - only the terrorists themselves and the most bitter and twisted critics of the United States and the international coalition would wish for failure.

We also know that the opening of freedom does not provide instant solutions and can sometimes increase uncertainty in the short term.

The degree of difficulty is certainly high. We can blame the Jihadists for that. But ask the ordinary Iraqis whether they would turn back the clock and the answer is certainly not.

And a high degree of difficulty is not a good reason to embrace the status quo, to pretend that the world is standing still. The world is not standing still. In fact the world changed quite a lot on and since September 11 2001.

The lesson from that terrible event is that allowing repressive and aggressive regimes to carry on unhindered is dangerous, even negligent. When a regime like the Taliban says it hates the West and invites fellow travelers to use its country as a base, best to take them at their word.

I don't claim we can remove every dictator in the world. But nor do I believe it is a sensible strategy to just walk on the other side of the street. When Iran says it wishes to wipe Israel off the map, it would be folly in the extreme to sit back and allow them to develop a nuclear weapon. When Iran supports terrorism, just as Syria does, then it undermines international security.

Of course there are grey areas. Many of the regimes in the Middle East are responsible global citizens, struggling with terrorism just as we do. But in the long run they will only defeat radicalism by opening their political systems and introducing democracy.

It's plainly a challenge. A quick look at Gaza and the West Bank tells you that democracy is not a quick fix in the absence of sound institutions and a mature political culture.

But what's the alternative? Lock-in an unpopular and autocratic regime? That's just screwing the lid tighter, waiting for a bigger explosion later on.

Conclusion

I started my remarks here this evening by noting that there was no expectation in 1966 that superpower competition between the United States and the Soviet Union would end less than a generation later. It did.

The current global challenge to freedom might end soon. But more likely we are facing a long struggle. Despite some successes, terrorist capacity has not been eliminated. And the ideology driving the terrorist violence has not been universally discredited.

Australia will need to - and of course will - work with partners in the region and throughout the world to meet this continuing challenge. We cannot turn our backs on our global responsibilities.

History will not treat this generation kindly if we pursue our narrow interests and steer clear of the bigger challenges, if we take a laissez-faire attitude to freedom.

I'm confident that support for freedom will continue to be one of the strongest themes of Australian foreign policy in the years and decades to come.
Thank you.

ENDS