The Hon. Alexander Downer, MP
The Hon. Alexander Downer, MP
 MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, AUSTRALIA

Speech

At the CSCAP General Conference, Jakarta
8 December 2003

“The Campaign Against Terror: Winning the Battle of Ideas”

Introduction

Ladies and Gentlemen.

It is a great pleasure to be here today at the general conference of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific.

At a time of great challenge in the region, the exchanges which CSCAP promotes between officials, academics and commentators on regional security are particularly valuable. 

Today I wanted to provide something of an introduction to the next couple of sessions of the conference.  The subjects we will be discussing are counter-terrorism and the role of Islam in the region.

Of course, consideration of the role of Islam in the region obviously encompasses a lot more than the terrorist fringe that has perpetrated acts of violence in the name of Islam.

Indeed one of the things that I would like to do today is to highlight the important distinction that the Australian Government makes between terrorism and Islam in the region.

At the same time I also want to consider ways in which I believe that we must prosecute the war on terror in the region; in particular the important role that regional cooperation plays in our efforts to defeat this scourge.

And finally I wanted to take this unique opportunity, bringing together security academics and scholars of Islam, to pose some questions about the relationship between Islam and the West; to discuss, and to seek your views, on how we can not only defeat the terrorists but the ideas they propagate as well.

Not a war against Islam

In deciding how to fight terror it is important, as a matter of first principles, to understand who we are fighting – and indeed, who we are not.

The multi-dimensional campaign we are waging against terror is not a war against Muslims or against Islam. 

It is a statement that has been made often enough by the spokespersons of the so-called West – myself included.  It is, in fact, a statement of the obvious.

But it is clear that this is still treated with some scepticism in parts of the Islamic world.  And in the West there are still some people who misguidedly associate Islam with the terrorists that misappropriate the religion.

I wanted, therefore, to spend a bit of time on this proposition exploring why, to borrow Samuel Huntington’s often-used – and to my mind, over-used – characterisation, our efforts to combat terrorism are not symptomatic of a clash of civilisations.

Two reason stand out.  Firstly, and most obviously, there is a clear distinction between the vast majority of Muslims and the very small minority that carry out indiscriminate destruction in the name of Islam. 

In Australia today Muslims are an integral part of our diverse, modern society.  The overwhelming majority of Australian Muslims are peaceful and law-abiding. 

Indeed they have enriched our nation through vital contributions in a variety of fields, from culture and education to business and sport.

The Islamic eduction system in Australia coexists happily and effectively with the mainstream education system.  Today there are about ten Islamic primary schools in Australia and a further 11 primary and secondary combined schools that produce students grounded in both the tenets of their faith and the vocational skills necessary for them to make their way in the world.

Today there are approximately 100 mosques in Australia, mainly in New South Wales and Victoria, that are central to the religious, cultural and social lives of their communities.  Indeed, underlining how far back the Islamic tradition goes in Australia, our very first mosque was built at Marree in northern South Australia in 1861.

Islam is, of course, rather older in South East Asia.  Islamic influences date back to the 14th century. 

Clearly, however, recent decades have witnessed a growing Islamic identity or affiliation in the region.  We have, for example, seen a greater observance of Islamic practices and dress codes, particularly among young Muslims.  And Islamic organizations have become increasingly prominent and active on university campuses and in politics more generally.

It is critical, however, that we not confuse this growing Islamic observance in the region with the emergence of terrorist groups such as Jema'ah Islamiyya.

The Bali bomber Amrozi no more represents the majority of Muslims in South East Asia than Osama Bin Laden represents the majority of Muslims in the Arab world. 

Indeed we have seen the positive role that Islamic political and social organisations play in the countries of the region. 

In Indonesia, its two largest Islamic organisations, Muhamadiyyah and NU were central to the successful transition to democracy. 

They also play critical roles in the provision of welfare to, and the development of, their fellow citizens; through, for example, the provision of family planning advice and counselling, through their medical clinics and through their education system. 

The second, and again fairly obvious reason why the campaign on terror is not a war against Islam, is because Muslims are as much the victims of the terrorists as non-Muslims. 

There is no denying that a strong current of anti-western sentiment lies at the core of beliefs propounded by the terrorist groups Al-Qaeda and Jema’ah Islamiyya.   And it is true that this can resonate with a strong body of popular anti-western sentiment in some Muslim countries.  

Indeed it is only natural that our outlooks will sometimes be different – though it is of concern when these perceptions differ as a result of misunderstandings. 

But where these divergences really concern us is at the point at which they become the basis for violence and intolerance.  In these situations it is not just the West that is under threat, but also Muslims and Islam. 

Whether it is from the terrorist’s vision of building Taleban-style theocracies in moderate Muslim countries; or indeed from the human and economic costs of terrorism.

Thirty eight Indonesians were killed in the Bali bombing of 12 October 2002, and eleven in the Marriott hotel bombing on 5 August 2003 – among them many Indonesian Muslims.  The Bali bombing alone is estimated to have taken 1.5 per cent off Indonesia’s GDP – something which impacts on all Indonesians.

Globally, Muslims were among the victims on September 11; they were predominantly the victims of recent terror attacks in Saudi Arabia and Turkey.  And we have seen the significant impact terrorism has had on tourism-dependent economies in the Middle East.

All of this serves to underline that what we face today is not some new clash between civilisations; or a war between the West and Islam.  It is simply the age-old clash between the mainstream and a violent minority……between tolerance and intolerance… between those who uphold the integrity of their faith and those prepared to kill innocents in its name.

Fighting the extremists

How then should we fight this war?  What are the most effective ways of responding to the senseless brutality of the terrorists?

Our first priority must be to defeat the terrorists.  The recent tragic bombings in Istanbul highlighted that we are indeed in a race against time to prevent terrorists indiscriminately killing yet more innocents. 

And this means using our law enforcement, intelligence and security capabilities to track and arrest terrorists and disrupt terrorist networks. 

But critically, it also means enhancing international cooperation to ensure the terrorists are defeated.  No country can combat terrorism on its own – particularly when terrorists are able exploit the enhanced communications and travel afforded by globalisation.

Muslim and non-Muslim countries have already shown they can be effective allies in the fight against terror.  Indeed we could not have made the progress we have so far had it not been for this cooperation.

Today some 3,000 terrorist suspects have been detained in more than 90 countries and entire Al-Qaeda cells have been disrupted on every continent.   Nearly US$200 million in terrorist assets have been frozen or seized.

In our own region some 200 Jema’ah Islamiyya suspects have been detained; key figures like Hambali and Al-Ghozi are no longer at large.

And of course many of those involved in the Bali bombings are now behind bars thanks to the extremely effective work of the Indonesian police and security services.

But it is not enough for us to simply respond to terror attacks when they happen.  The focus must be on prevention; the citizens of our countries demand nothing less.

And this must be a multi-dimensional effort.  From our efforts to strengthen border and transport security……to the work being done to track and disrupt sources of terrorist finance…to greater political coordination between regional Governments to provide a framework for practical cooperation.

With respect to the latter we have already seen very good work done through the ASEAN Regional Forum and APEC.  Last December we saw a highly successful regional conference on money laundering and terrorist financing co-hosted by the Indonesian and Australian Governments in Bali.

And next February, Dr Hassan Wirajuda and I have agreed to co-host a regional ministerial meeting, again in Bali, to consider ways of strengthening counter-terrorism cooperation in South East Asia.

This meeting will be an excellent opportunity to review our efforts to combat terror so far, and to see if there is anything more that we could be doing to protect our citizens from future terror attacks. 

At the same time, we need to keep our counter-terrorism cooperation in perspective; we need to maintain some balance in our bilateral relationships and not view them exclusively through the prism of the campaign against terror.

We do have a shared interest in combating terrorism.  But our efforts to defeat terrorism should not define our relations.  For its part the Australian Government will continue working extremely hard to maintain and further develop political, economic and people-to-people linkages with the countries of the region. 

Winning the battle of ideas

The campaign against terror cannot, however, just be fought on the law and order and security front.  

If we are to defeat the terrorists arresting them and disrupting their networks will not, on its own, suffice.  We must also ensure that the actions and ideas of the terrorists do not resonate with a wider audience.

Let me be clear about what I am saying here.  I am not a proponent of the idea that terrorism has so called “root causes” that are easily identifiable and resolvable; both as a matter of principle, but also for more practical reasons.

As a matter of principle I refuse to accept that anything justifies or legitimises the killing of innocents.  We must be resolute in our actions and our words and make it completely clear that even if one’s cause is just, pursuing it through indiscriminate murder will never be acceptable.

From a practical perspective the root causes argument also fails to acknowledge that it is impossible to know what motivates an individual to commit murder. 

The vagaries of an individual’s psychology, their political views, their economic or social background can all contribute in different ways. 

For example, I do not believe that poverty is the cause of terrorism.  As we have seen with Al-Qaeda, terrorists come from all backgrounds, rich and poor; Osama bin Laden came from one of Saudi Arabia’s richest families.  And in South East Jema’ah Islamiyya bomb-maker, Dr Azahari, came from a  comfortable, educated background.

Nonetheless, it is vital that we do not allow those ideas by which terrorists justify their actions to go un-challenged.  Nor should we ignore some of the conditions which might be conducive to the growth of terrorism.

We must ensure that, to the wider audience to which terrorists play, there are alternatives to the politics of despair.

There are a number of things we can do.  I want to suggest three today.

Firstly, we need to do more to break down mistrust and misunderstanding between Muslim and non-Muslim societies.  We need to build bridges of understanding. 

The Australia-Indonesia Institute (AII) is, for example, taking an active role in promoting understanding through its Inter-faith Program, which encourages contact between our countries’ Islamic and Christian organisations.

Earlier this year we formed a Council for Australian Arab relations to promote economic, political, cultural and social links with Arab countries.  It too will help build greater understanding between Australia and Muslim communities in the Middle East.

And in small ways the Australian parliament has tried to build understanding between Muslims and non-Muslims. 

Recently parliamentary collegues held a cross-party dinner in Parliament House for representatives of the Muslim faith from NSW, Victoria and the ACT to celebrate the end of Ramadan.  The traditional “call to prayer” or Adhan by a spiritual leader was sung over the microphone - possibly for the first time ever within the Parliament - and there was a recital from the holy Qur’an.

Secondly, working with the developing world to grasp the economic opportunities afforded by globalisation – important in and of itself – will also help us win the battle of ideas with the extremists. 

There is no doubt that the terrorists exploit the sense of dislocation and loss of control that often accompanies globalisation.  And the radical teaching they provide as a placebo to modernity not only encourages hatred but leaves their students ill-equipped to succeed in modernising societies.

Open economies, strong institutions, sound governance and effective education systems are all critical to a country’s ability to participate fully in the global marketplace and to translate that into jobs and wealth for its citizens.

And this financial year Australia is spending around $370 million in support of governance programs working in cooperation with regional governments to ensure all segments of their societies are able to grasp the economic opportunities afforded by globalisation.

Thirdly, the Muslim mainstream must not cede the agenda to the terrorists.  It must speak up – as it has since September 11 – to condemn terrorism unequivocally. 

And not because we in the West ask you to, but because it is critical to efforts to stop violence directed against Muslims and non-Muslims alike.

At stake is not just the lives of our people and the future of our countries, but Islam itself as practised by the majority of the world’s Muslims; strong in its faith, proud in its traditions, and willing to engage with people of other religions and cultures on the basis of mutual respect.

The West has a role in this regard – though I acknowledge that this is sensitive issue and I am keen to hear from others today about the best role the West can play.   

Clearly, there are things that we can all do to ease some of the mistrust between the Muslim and non-Muslim worlds.  The search for peace in the Middle East is important, first and foremost, in and of itself.  September 11 did not make it more urgent – it was already so.

But there is no denying that peace in the Middle East would also help us to win the battle of ideas with the extremists, as will our efforts to build a stable, prosperous and democratic Iraq. 

I recognise, however, that there are difficulties for Western countries posed by being seen to intrude in the debate within Islam or in being too supportive of mainstream Islamist groups.  And I know that the terrorists are adept at exploiting the significant distrust of the West’s intentions even amongst the general population to disparage moderate Muslims as lackeys and apologists. 

As I have already said I am keen to hear from others today about the appropriate role the West can play.  I certainly don’t pretend to have all the answers. 

Conclusion

Just as we cooperate in efforts to combat the terrorists, Muslims and non-Muslims must work together to find ways to combat the terrorist’s ideas.  In this our interests and our principles converge. 

In Indonesia and Australia, Muslims and Christians, and indeed those of other faiths, live comfortably together and share values and beliefs.  We have a role and a responsibility to examine ways to further strengthen that co-existence, in our own countries and in the region.

I welcome this forum’s commitment to that process and look forward with great interest to the suggestions and ideas that will be put forward in forthcoming sessions.

Thank you.