Australia and the Middle East: Enduring Interests

Speeches

Amman, Jordan, 22 May 2003

Australia and the Middle East: Enduring Interests

Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests….

I would like to thank the Institute of Diplomacy for the opportunity to speak here this evening.

Indeed allow me to say how much I valued my discussions with representatives of the Jordanian Government today. As always Jordan remains a voice of reason and good sense in the region and internationally -something we Australians were reminded of very directly when Jordanian and Australian forces served side by side in East Timor.

I would like to start by begging a little latitude from my audience tonight, for I want to range a little further afield than might automatically be suggested by the title of my speech "Australia and the Middle East: Enduring Interests".

Some of you may be wary of allowing me to do so.

In English the expression is "give him an inch and he will take mile". Or as I understand the expression is conveyed in the Arab world, "we let him in and he brought his donkey too".

But I hope you will find what I have to say, at the very least, thought-provoking.

Tonight I want to speak to three propositions:

that Australia's decision to join the coalition effort against the former Iraqi regime was based on interests that went well beyond the Middle East;
that the coalition's actions in Iraq, with the support of many in the Middle East, have potentially created new strategic opportunities in the region that should be seized;
and finally, that the countries of the Middle East have an enduring friend, ally and partner in Australia.

Why Iraq?

Recently a journalist from Al-Jazeera commented to our Prime Minister that the Middle East had not traditionally been a place where Australia had been involved. Indeed he asked the Prime Minister whether Australia, in its involvement in Iraq, was, in effect, "a long way from home?"

As our Prime Minister responded at the time, the comment is historically incorrect. Australia's links to, and involvement in, this region date back a great many years -something I will come back to a little later.

But the comment is also wrong when one looks at the rationale for Australia's involvement in the military campaign in Iraq.

Recognition that Australia has substantial interests in this region did play a part in our decision to join the coalition. And yes - and I won't shy away from saying so - our alliance with the United States also played a role.

Australia and the United States are longstanding and firm allies that share a common outlook and common interests, and we take our commitment to that alliance very seriously.

But the Australian Government's decision to send some 2000 young Australians into harm's way in Iraq was not for these reasons alone.

The primary reason we joined the coalition was because we, like a number of other states, concluded that after twelve years of trying, the diplomatic options for addressing Iraq's pursuit of WMD had been exhausted. We were convinced that the former Iraqi regime's long record of aggression and deception represented a fundamental challenge to international non-proliferation norms and ultimately to international security. And we understood that unless we dealt decisively with this problem in Iraq, our ability to deal with it in other parts of the world -in North Korea, for example -would be critically undermined.

Similarly, we came to the conclusion that while Iraq was by no means the only state sponsor of international terrorism, it was a major sponsor. And more importantly, our great fear was that one day Iraq's pursuit of WMD would combine with its support for terrorism - to horrific effect.

September 11, 2001 ended the debate about whether Al-Qaeda represented a real threat or not. We simply could not afford for the debate about whether Iraq might pass WMD to terrorists to be resolved in the same fatal way.

In this context the assertion that in Iraq, Australia is "a long way from home"is incorrect -in fact, it is irrelevant.

When it comes to dealing with the proliferation of WMD or terrorism, nowhere in the world is too far from home. And unless you deal with these threats wherever they emerge, one day they will turn up in your home - or very close to it.

The flow of technology and know-how between proliferators means that today North Korea's pursuit of WMD is as much a concern to countries of the Middle East, like Jordan, as Iraq's pursuit of these weapons was to us.

And as we have seen through terror attacks in New York, Bali, and more recently Riyadh and Casablanca, terrorism does not distinguish between race, religion or region.

I am not saying that the use of military power should now be the preferred method for dealing with proliferators of WMD or supporters of terror. It is and should remain a last resort.

But whether we meet these challenges through diplomacy, intelligence exchanges, sanctions or military force, one thing should not waver. That is our determination to confront these threats whenever and wherever they emerge.

New strategic opportunities

While the reasons for our involvement in Iraq largely relate to our concern about threats to international security, we are also conscious of the implications of the US-led military campaign for the broader Middle East.

I recognise that the war in Iraq was not popular amongst substantial segments of the Arab world. And I accept that there have been negative implications.

Military action has had a humanitarian cost -though there has not been the humanitarian disaster that many had predicted. There has been an economic cost, and we acknowledge the difficulties for Jordan, in particular, in this regard. And the coalition campaign has made it more difficult for some countries to balance domestic political demands against their relationship with the United States.

But at the same time, one cannot ignore the positive strategic dynamics and opportunities resulting from the change of regime in Iraq.

I am not saying that this military campaign was launched to change the Middle East - to democratise it or demonstrate the strength or virtues of one society against another.

Rather, a military campaign designed to remove the dual threat of WMD and terrorism has, in addition, opened up new strategic possibilities in the Middle East - much as new possibilities opened up after the first Gulf War in 1991.

Certainly the campaign has shown the US determination to achieve outcomes which will preserve and enhance our common peace and security. And we -the countries of the Middle East and their friends and allies in the West -should not lose sight of the potential which now exists to deal with some of the region's hitherto seemingly intractable problems.

Look at the case of Iraq itself.

I acknowledge that much work remains to be done. An immediate priority is to improve law and order. And the region and the wider international community both share a strong interest in supporting, in pragmatic, practical ways, the early transfer of authority back to the Iraqi people and Iraq's economic re-development and reintegration into the global economy.

But if this can be achieved -and I am confident that it can be, not least because Iraq is as rich in human resources as it is in natural resources -then think of the implications.

An open and responsible Iraq, not seeking to menace or destabilise its neighbours, will have a critical impact on threat perceptions in its immediate neighbourhood.

This in turn will allow Iraq's neighbours to invest more in their own people, rather than in the weapons they previously needed to defend themselves. To focus their energies in the trade in goods and rather than in guns. And perhaps one day, the neighbourhood will once again become more attractive to tourists and investors, than to terrorists and arms traders.

If you think I am being na�ve look at the case of Saudi Arabia.

With the military threat from Iraq diminished the United States is already beginning to wind back its military presence in the Kingdom -a presence which has been exploited by domestic critics of the Saudi government and in turn complicated Saudi Arabia's relationship with the United States.

While the recent terror attacks in Riyadh illustrate a need for continued Saudi-US cooperation in the fight against terror, a smaller US military footprint in the Kingdom has the potential to ease domestic concerns and underpin the enduring relationship.

Look also at the case of Iran.

Iran has an opportunity, as it did in Afghanistan, to play a constructive role in post-Saddam Iraq. It has an opportunity to find common ground and build a more positive relationship with the United States -something which everyone in the region would benefit from.

Of course, Iran will need to address concerns about its support for terrorism and pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. But with the threat from Iraq removed, perhaps even on these issues we might see some movement.

Syria, too, is reassessing its regional role and the need to persuade the international community that it does not have weapons of mass destruction and that it does not harbour or support terrorism. The right choices are clear.

If, however, there is one issue upon which I earnestly wish there to be progress as a result of the Iraq campaign, it is the Israeli-Palestinian dispute.

Australia understands that if Iraq was a key cause of instability in the region, then the on-going Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at its core. We understand that until we see a viable Palestinian state standing side by side with a secure Israeli state, the Middle East will remain a region of uncertainty, rather than, as it should be, a region of great prosperity.

The Australian Government warmly welcomed the release of the long-awaited "Road Map"to Israeli-Palestinian peace. Our close contact with the US Administration over recent months has left us in no doubt of their determination to pursue the "Road Map"process unequivocally and unflinchingly.

In many respects it is a more difficult task than the military campaign in Iraq. It must overcome decades of bitterness and it will require vision, determination, and a spirit of reconciliation so often absent in the past, to bring this about. But in the same way that Iraq saw a decisive application of US military force, we are confident that the Israeli- Palestinian dispute will see the decisive application of US diplomatic force.

At the same time we understand that the "Road Map"is not a panacea, that the road to peace will not be easy, and that on-going violence will be an obstacle at every turn -as recent events have demonstrated only too sharply. Suicide-homicide bombings deliberately undermine this effort and destroy the atmosphere required to underpin negotiations.

Even with considerable US effort it will still require those of good will on both sides to seize the opportunity the "Road Map"represents. We urge them to do so and not to give in to the extremists. No one can afford more squandered opportunities or squandered lives.

And in the same way that Australia played a proportionate role in the Iraq campaign, we are prepared to play an appropriate, practical role to support efforts toward Israeli-Palestinian Peace.

Indeed I would like to announce tonight, as a tangible expression of our support for the "Road Map", a further commitment of one million dollars in assistance to the Palestinian people. This brings Australia's aid commitment to the Palestinians to about 10.6 million dollars in 2002-2003.

Australia's enduring interests in the Middle East

The last proposition I wanted to put to you tonight is that the countries of the Middle East have an enduring friend, ally and partner in Australia. This is certainly the least contentious of the propositions that I put to you tonight. But as illustrated by the Al-Jazeera journalist's question to our Prime Minister that I mentioned earlier, it often seems to be missed.

I could tell you much about Australia's long history in this region. Australian soldiers fought and died here in World War I and World War II. In every year since 1948 Australian Defence Force Personnel have been represented in one or other of the region's peacekeeping forces, whether it be UNTSO in Jerusalem or the MFO in Sinai.

Australia has been a reliable supplier of everything from wheat and sheep to automobiles to this region for well on fifty years. And Australia's Arab migrant community dates as far back as 1876.

But I would much rather focus on the future - a future which I am convinced holds great promise.

It is a future in which Australia will play an active role in the rehabilitation of Iraq. We understand that as participants in the military campaign, and as members of the Coalition Provisional Authority, we have a responsibility to help the Iraqi people get their country back on its feet.

Australia has already committed some 100 million dollars to meet humanitarian and reconstruction needs in Iraq. We have also contributed a number of technical experts, with a particular focus on kick-starting agricultural production, while establishing the basis for effective, longer term reform in a sector critical to the revitalisation of Iraq's economy.

And, in an early signal of our political commitment to Iraq, I will be visiting Baghdad tomorrow, in part to officially re-establish the first resident Australian diplomatic presence in the capital for some twelve years.

As I emphasised in my discussions with my Jordanian colleagues today, we stand ready to explore areas in which we can cooperate with Jordan and other regional countries in the rehabilitation process. Indeed we were grateful for the assistance that Jordanian antiquities officials afforded an Australian archaeologist, Professor Dan Potts, who travelled to Iraq to provide support for the rehabilitation of the Baghdad Museum.

We also look to a future where Australia and the countries of the region are able to build new opportunities for trade, investment and economic cooperation -indeed, where we can broaden the basis of bilateral cooperation into new fields.

The Middle East has been one of Australia's fastest-growing major regional markets in recent years. But our goal is not just to sell to the region. We want to build genuine economic partnerships. For this reason we will continue looking for new opportunities for joint ventures, and in particular, for two-way investment.

There are already strong cultural and social connections between Australia and the region through the Australian-Arab community -a community which today numbers around a million people, if one includes Australians born of Arab descent. In fact Arabic is now the second most spoken language after English in our most populated state, New South Wales.

Building on this strong foundation, late last year, together with the Minister for Trade, I announced the formation of a Council for Australian-Arab relations. The Council, among other things, will work to strengthen academic and educational ties and to strengthen awareness of each other's history, politics, culture, music, science and technology.

I have no doubt the Council will help build a great many more bridges between Australia and the region.

Conclusion

Before ending, I want to say a few words about Australia's relationship with Jordan.

Our trading relationship may not be the biggest in the region, and our people to people exchanges may not be the most extensive.

But the bilateral relationship is certainly one of our strongest and dare I say warmest. And part of that comes from the admiration we have for the strength of your country, and the strength of your political leadership.

Uncertain times such as these are the ultimate test for leaders. And leadership is, above all, about making tough choices, not necessarily popular ones. This was the model of leadership followed by His Majesty the late King Hussein. And it is very clearly the model being followed by His Majesty King Abdullah.

It is this strength of leadership and determination which explains why Australia, and a great many countries around the world, have so much confidence in Jordan's direction and destiny.

And it is why ultimately we are so keen to build a strong, enduring relationship with this country and its great people.

Thank you.