The United Nations: Building on Strength

Statement by the Hon Alexander Downer, MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the 54th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, New York, 29 September 1999.

Introduction

Mr President.

May I begin my remarks today by adding my congratulations to those of my colleagues on your election as President of the 54th Session of the General Assembly.

You are no stranger to these halls, first as an observer and later as a delegate.

You bring a wealth of experience to your position, and we are pleased to see Namibia taking leadership roles both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council.

Before I move to the main text of my remarks today, I want to take this opportunity to mention two matters.

New Members

First is to welcome the three new members of the United Nations - Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga. It is a particular pleasure for me as the Foreign Minister of Australia - who has worked closely with these three countries in our own Asia-Pacific community - to now have the opportunity to take that co-operation into this larger family of nations.

Pratt and Wallace: Australia's thanks

The second matter is one that seized the attention of the entire Australian population earlier this year - the fate of two CARE Australia workers, Steve Pratt and Peter Wallace, who were imprisoned in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Thanks in no small measure to the support of the international community, Steve and Peter were released from prison on 1 September.

The efforts of Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the High Commissioner for Refugees Sadako Ogata, the High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson and the continued support of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs were invaluable in gaining the men's release.

I would also like to thank President Ahtisaari of Finland, the Greek Government, Nelson Mandela, Pope John Paul and the many other individuals who generously lent their support to this cause.

The international community's cooperation in this case demonstrates the strong commitment we share to protecting our humanitarian workers from persecution, and to ensuring their capacity to carry out their important work in safety.

Australia will continue to support international efforts to secure the release of Branko Jelen, a Yugoslav national employee of CARE Australia who continues to serve time in a Yugoslav prison.

Future directions for the UN

Mr President, you take up your responsibilities at a most auspicious time, as the nations of the world enter a new millennium.

And as they do so, it is appropriate for us to reflect on the past and the future of the United Nations - on what it has achieved, and what tasks remain unfulfilled.

Of course, the various aspects of this subject are as numerous and diverse as the operations of the United Nations itself, which has evolved from a modest operation in the early days after the end of the Second World War to become an organisation that touches on just about every facet of human existence.

So today I want to concentrate on just two matters.

The first is perhaps the most fundamental task before this organisation - the maintenance of global peace and security through humanitarian intervention.

This is a subject that has been at the centre of my own thinking especially over recent weeks because of the role Australia has played in the resolution of the conflict in East Timor.

And I think the activities of the United Nations in that territory stand as an example of the kind of work where this organisation can really add value.

The other - the reform of the United Nations - is on the face of it a rather prosaic matter.

But in truth, reform is the key to every single function of this organisation - for without it, we cannot hope to equip the United Nations to face the demands of our ever-changing international environment.

The UN must change and adapt, or become increasingly irrelevant.

The United Nations and East Timor

I turn now to the question of the future of East Timor.

Mr President, it is now just over one week since the first elements of the International Force in East Timor (INTERFET) began arriving in Dili to commence the task set for it under Security Council Resolution 1264 of 15 September to "restore peace and security in East Timor, to protect and support the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) in carrying out its tasks and, within force capabilities, to facilitate humanitarian assistance operations".

I am pleased to report that INTERFET's deployment has been smooth and peaceful, and that elements of the force are now spreading across the territory of East Timor.

It has begun the vital work of bringing peace back to the troubled island, and of assisting in creating the right climate for the provision of the food, shelter and medical assistance that the East Timorese desperately require.

This is the latest chapter in the United Nation's long association with East Timor, an association that has lasted for more than a quarter of a century.

The process that has brought us here has been long and difficult, but at last we may be approaching a peaceful resolution of the tragedy that has beset the East Timorese people for so long.

That we have arrived at this point owes much to the President Habibie of Indonesia.

It was President Habibie who led his country down the path of democracy after the departure of former President Soeharto.

Under his guidance, Indonesia held its first democratic elections in more than four decades, and now awaits the election of its next President.

And it was also President Habibie who decided to allow the people of East Timor to choose between greater autonomy within Indonesia and independence.

Those were momentous decisions, decisions that reflect the massive strides that Indonesian society has made in just a few short months.

Australia stood by the Indonesian people as they began their transition to democracy, and we will continue to do so in the years ahead.

Regardless of the problems that have beset the transition process in East Timor, President Habibie and his administration deserve full credit for actually initiating that process.

I also want to make special mention of the role played by Secretary-General Kofi Annan in seeking a peaceful resolution of East Timor's status.

The conclusion on 5 May this year of the Tripartite Agreement between Portugal, Indonesia and the United Nations owed much to the hard work and perseverance of the Secretary-General, who helped guide the parties toward a settlement that provided for a credible and orderly ballot on East Timor's future.

In doing so, he maintained the honourable tradition of his predecessors as Secretary-General, who since 1983 had been working with Portugal and Indonesia towards a comprehensive and just solution to the region's difficulties.

It would be remiss of me if I did not also mention the sterling work done both before and after the conclusion of the Agreement by the Secretary-General's Personal Representative, Ambassador Jamsheed Marker, and his deputy, Francesc Vendrell.

The work of these two men was crucial to the successful outcome of the negotiations, and to the holding of the ballot in East Timor.

Of course, the conclusion of the Tripartite Agreement was just the beginning of the process to allow the East Timorese to decide their own fate.

With the establishment by the Security Council on 11 June of the United Nations Mission in East Timor, or UNAMET, the practical work of holding the popular consultation got under way.

Under the leadership of Ian Martin, UNAMET began the difficult - and often dangerous - task of organising a vote in only twelve short weeks.

Thanks to the enthusiasm and application of Ian and his team, that task was accomplished with results that few could have even dreamed of.

The fact that more than 450,000 people were able to register to vote, and that 98.6 per cent of them actually did so, is a remarkable tribute to the courage and the thirst for democracy of the East Timorese people.

But it is also a tribute to the effectiveness of UNAMET and its staff, and a fine example of how effective the United Nations can be in situations of conflict and transition.

The work done by UNAMET staff in the days before the ballot, and in the tragic days following it, deserves our highest praise.

Unarmed, in a tense and emotionally-charged atmosphere, they carried out their duties magnificently.

In particular, the military liaison and civilian police components of UNAMET - led respectively by Brigadier General Rezaqul Haider of Bangladesh and Commissioner Alan Mills of Australia - played crucial roles as the interface between UNAMET and the Indonesian police and military authorities.

UNAMET carried out its work at great risk to the staff involved and, tragically, several locally engaged employees paid for their dedication with their lives.

That fact, Mr President, is a stark reminder of the great personal cost that is often associated with the UN's operations, and a reminder to us all of the need to make the security and personal safety of UN staff one of our most urgent priorities.

The UN must rely on its staff to carry out its various mandates - a threat to the person of a UN staff member must be treated as a threat against the United Nations itself.

It is a matter of unfortunate record that the upsurge of violence in East Timor after the ballot on 30 August swept up not just UN staff members, but hundreds and thousands of East Timorese.

The world has witnessed the most horrible cruelty visited on the island's population by people who were unwilling to accept the outcome of the vote.

To the great credit again of President Habibie, he sought military assistance through the Security Council.

In response the Security Council delivered a strong resolution and a positive mandate for peacekeeping operations, a mandate that will ensure that the will of the East Timorese people - as expressed in the 30 August vote - will be carried out.

We in Australia have been very heartened by the positive international response to the call for military forces to make up INTERFET and its successor peacekeeping force.

As I have mentioned, the INTERFET forces - under the command of Major General Peter Cosgrove - have begun to restore order in East Timor.

There are currently some 3,650 personnel on the ground, drawn from a range of countries, with strong representation from our own Asia-Pacific region.

The large number of countries participating in the force, and their wide geographical representation, is evidence of the widespread international determination to see a peaceful and orderly transition in East Timor's status.

I am also very pleased to note that UNAMET personnel have now returned to the island, and will be able to continue their important work in this regard.

Mr President, in discussing the activities of the United Nations in East Timor, I must also mention the humanitarian work being done by UN agencies.

Sadako Ogata, the High Commissioner for Refugees, has travelled to West Timor to examine the plight of East Timorese refugees in that territory, and Australia fully supports her efforts.

Australia is also the staging point for humanitarian assistance operations being carried out by agencies like the World Food Programme and UNICEF.

Additional relief efforts are also planned by the World Health Organisation and the Food and Agriculture Organisation.

Australia has already pledged $7 million towards the humanitarian efforts of UN agencies and other organisations.

Mr President, the United Nations is also seeking to address the human rights violations that have been widespread in East Timor.

Security Council 1264 called on those responsible for violence in East Timor to be brought to justice. Australia supports efforts by the Indonesian Government and the UN to bring to account those responsible for the grievous acts of criminal violence visited upon the East Timorese people, and will offer all appropriate assistance to the High Commissioner in this regard.

More generally, there is now an urgent need to move as soon as possible to Phase III of the UN plan for East Timor.

This will require all parties, most especially Indonesia and Portugal, to work closely with the Secretariat.

Australia will do what it can to assist in this process, which will build the foundation for the transition in the territory's status.

In its activities in East Timor, the United Nations has demonstrated some of its fundamental strengths as an organisation.

It is helping to bring about the resolution of an international problem that had been festering for 25 years.

It provided the infrastructure that allowed a free and fair expression of the will of the East Timorese people.

And when the security situation could not be controlled, it facilitated the creation of an international force to put the transition process back on track, and end gross violations of human rights.

I have been struck, Mr President, by the deep historical resonances of this process.

For when the United Nations was established at the end of the Second World War, part of its rationale as an organisation was to have been the impartial and objective resolution of international problems, free of the old cycles of retribution through resort to aggression.

The ancient resort to armed force, the notion that "might was right", was to have been overturned, and in its place the community of nations would cooperate to settle international disputes and solve global problems.

The world, having won victory over Nazism, was determined that similar evils would never again prevail.

We've seen plenty of occasions in the past 50 years where practice hasn't measured up to the ideals.

But every now and then, the process does work - and I believe that many elements of the UN's work in East Timor are evidence of that.

Of course, that is not to say that the process cannot be improved - of course it can.

But if we can identify and build upon the positive elements of our East Timor experience, I believe that we can not only improve the situation of the people of that territory, but also may be able to provide a speedier and more thorough resolution of other international crises in the future.

We need also to draw lessons from the negative aspects of events in East Timor.

Through our efforts there, we have shown what the United Nations can do well.

Let us build on that effectiveness, and strive for an organisation that is even more relevant to global peace and security in the next millennium.

UN reform

Mr President, I now turn to another aspect of increased effectiveness - the question of UN reform.

In a recent report on preparations for the Millennium Assembly and Summit (2000), the Secretary-General described the UN as a "unique institution".

No one could disagree that the UN's contribution to the pursuit of peace and security, the economic and social advancement of all peoples and the promotion of human rights over the last fifty years or so has been not just of enormous value, but also truly unique in world history.

The 21st century, however, will bring with it new challenges and hopefully new opportunities.

Under the direction of Kofi Annan, this organisation has begun the important and necessary steps to equip itself to face these challenges through genuine administrative and management reform.

This has included promising changes in financial and personnel practices, significant economies, improving coordination between UN bodies, significant rationalisation of Secretariat structures and more efficient use of technology.

Such reforms make the work of the United Nations more efficient, and provide real savings for the organisation.

Those savings are then able to be used for other programs that benefit all member States, but particularly the developing members of the United Nations.

The challenge for the UN - and, let us all recognise, its member states - is to ensure that this momentum is sustained and taken forward.

A former Australian Prime Minister, Sir Robert Menzies, said over 40 years ago that "when we talk of the United Nations, we should remember what it is in fact, and not be led off by dreams of what we would like it to be in another kind of world".

We need to accept that the UN exists in a real world and be realistic about what the UN can achieve.

We need to ensure that the organisation's structures and processes better reflect the realities of the 21st century.

We need an expanded, more representative and transparent Security Council, and an electoral group system which reflects the geo-political and economic realities of today rather than the early 1960s.

To achieve real reforms on these and other subjects, member states must work together in a sustained and cooperative manner.

And they must also demonstrate their commitment to the organisation by paying their contributions on time and in full.

Mr President, reform of the United Nations means building a stronger and more effective organisation that can deliver on its commitments to the world's people.

It means less waste, and more practical activities. It means developing an organisation that is equipped to meet whatever challenges the new century may bring.

Ultimately, it means creating a United Nations that can maintain its relevance when many national and international institutions are falling by the wayside, made obsolete by the rapid pace of change.

Conclusion - building on strength

Mr President, I want to conclude my remarks with a call for the United Nations to concentrate on building on its strengths. I have mentioned the need to stick with a program of thorough and fundamental reform, for that is a basic prerequisite for the continued effectiveness of any organisation.

But I have also mentioned the UN's work in East Timor as an example of how the organisation can, and does, make a real difference to the resolution of complex and challenging foreign policy and humanitarian problems.

Not only was the United Nations able to administer a ballot in circumstances when many observers thought the task impossible, but it was also able to provide for the insertion of a peace keeping force when law and order broke down.

Those who wished to exterminate an entire community were foiled.

Those are great strengths.

But we need to be able to consolidate them to make the United Nations a more effective organisation.

We must, for example, be able to ensure that the UN can intervene quickly when rapidly deteriorating conditions threaten entire nations.

That was a lesson of Rwanda.

I was struck by the comments made by Secretary-General Annan on this subject when he addressed the Assembly last week.

As the Secretary-General suggests, changing international circumstances - including the spread of notions of individual rights and the idea that the international community has a responsibility to respond effectively to humanitarian crises - is challenging traditional notions of national sovereignty.

The UN needs to focus on these challenges, and begin the process of defining when and how the organisation should act in the face of humanitarian crises.

Mr President, it may be an old cliche to say that the world is growing ever smaller, but its true just the same.

In days gone by, the nations of the world may have been forgiven if they acted too slowly in the face of a humanitarian crisis - tales of atrocities, famine and natural disaster may have taken weeks or months to filter out from the more inaccessible areas of our globe.

Today, those same stories are likely to be on our television screens within hours, or even minutes.

In the face of such indisputable evidence, governments will be forced to act.

Those that resist will have to face a domestic and international audience as well informed as they.

That is the kind of environment in which the United Nations will increasingly have to function, where the results of inaction will be seen instantly, and the consequences of failure subject to instant and very telling scrutiny.

Some will be concerned about interference in national sovereignty and obviously that is an important and legitimate concern.

Others will say that the greater principle is that of natural human solidarity.

But, whatever view is correct, this environment is a fact we now have to deal with, whether we like it or not.

When we all gather here in New York each year, its easy to get caught up in the daily business of the United Nations - in the resolutions, the Committee meetings, the briefing and the caucusing.

How often do we stop, and remind ourselves of the purposes for which we meet?

If we genuinely wish to uphold the Charter, if we really do want to maintain international peace and security, help develop our economic and social strengths, and promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, surely we can start by upholding the most basic right of all - that of life.

In the face of acts of genocide, or of human rights abuses on an horrendous scale, the nations of the world must act.

I am a firm realist when it comes to foreign policy, but I'm also a great believer in the value of idealism.

More than 50 years ago, our predecessors created the United Nations in the firm hope that there could be a new international order to replace the old - a spirit of cooperative international action that could avoid the competition and aggression that caused two world wars.

As we approach the end of this century, it is true that the UN has not lived up to all the hopes its founders held for it.

But the great promise of the organisation remains.

Mr President, the United Nations' response to developments in East Timor has shown just what positive action on the part of this organisation can accomplish.

We know the great things this body can achieve. Let us all try to build on those achievements, so that we may create an organisation that can truly address the most pressing problems of the international community.

We can build an active and practical United Nations to meet both the aspirations of its member nations, and also the legitimate needs of all humanity.

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